Sunday, August 8, 2010

An ignorant environmental artist



She seems even busy for an interview with Solomon, in her craft factory inside her room in Nankulabye – one of Kampala’s sprawling suburbs. She looks to be in love with the whole craft making activity. She makes her crafts from waste material like banana fibers, waste plastics and waste paper materials just because they are cheap and easy to get. Using waste material is good for the environment but for Namatovu Beatrice, that’s not why she uses them.

“I make necklaces from papers and plastics, table mats, door mats and balls from banana fibers,” says Namatovu a student of business at Makerere Business institute. She says, her business course will help equip her with the required marketing skills for her crafts. 

She gets some of the material like Banana fibers from as far as Mpigi district where her mother comes from. Namatovu gets the waste papers especially expired calendars for making necklaces from friends who work in offices and only buys threads for making table mats.

Namatovu who has helped train many young people to do crafts was inspired by her friend called Nora who even taught her to make crafts and Namatovu has never looked behind. She adds that her background in fine art during her secondary school days gave her an added advantage to learn faster and do better crafts. Besides, getting some income from the craft business, she enjoys what she does.

Although having quite a busy schedule, Namatovu has never failed to get time to do her crafts work, “I have my lecturers from morning to 1pm, I get time for my crafts work in the evening.”

Her efforts for making good quality crafts seems to be paying off because she never fails to get market, “many people buy my crafts like friends, well wishers, tourists and organizations and on a good days sale, I can earn roughly Uganda shillings 50,000 (which is good enough for any Ugandan student’s side activity).”

Namatovu has a number of places to sell her crafts including her home, her friend’s homes or work places and a crafts shop of Joy for Children Uganda – a non governmental organization based in Kampala, which also helps promote the talents of young people. The organization has a display board and visitors especially whites many times get attracted and buy them, says Namatovu.

She also exploits a number of opportunities such as exhibitions like a recent one at the Baptist Church in Kampala, which unfortunately never reaped good fruits because few products were sold. She blamed the poor sales to an abrupt and poor organization of the event and therefore, people were not prepared to buy.
The young and promising craft artist says the only problem with the crafts business is lack of a stable local market because Ugandans aren’t good consumers of craft items and most times, she depends on people from the western world, who rarely come making the craft business very unpredictable.  

As hardworking as always, Namatovu isn’t sleeping and has big plans for the future in line with her craft business, “I expect to buy a plot of land, build a house and start my own big craft shop and recruit more people to make crafts.”

Sunday, July 18, 2010

Lutaaya – his boldness saved millions

People saw his hair fall out, his body shrink and finally, die in december 1989 as a result of HIV/AIDS – a disease which has claimed millions of people in Uganda.
Musician Philly Bongole Lutaaya did the unthinkable in September 1989, at a press conference in Kampala, he openly exposed his HIV status at a time when the disease was highly stigmatised.
Lutaaya didnt stop at that, he went ahead to carry out Music and Educational tours across the country thus, promoting understanding, compassion and respect for people living with HIV.
His memorable farewell album Alone and Frightened released on September 1989 further, boosted the campaign.
People started to see the disease as a reality, unlike the previous years, when the disease was mainly associated with witchcraft.
Condom use, testing and treatment became acceptable. The government also stepped up its efforts to combant the disease. Such efforts, included; rolling up public health messages and the establishment of the Uganda AIDS Commission among others.
As a result of the efforts to cambant the epidermic since Lutaaya's years, prevalence rates have reduced from 30 percent in 1992 – the highest in the world by then - to the current 6.4 percent according to The Independent magazine.
Lutaaya's music remains popular up-to-now. Recently, in a project to celebrate his life, several Ugandan artists including Bobi Wine and Chameleon re-recorded and perfomed his music.
His christmass album recorded in sweden in 1986, remains the most memorable especially during christmass season in Ugandan christian families.
Lutaaya's other popular hits are Ugira Tulinda, Baasi Namakwekwe, Bw'oba Osiimye, Philly Empisa Zo Zikyuseko and Flora Atwooki among others.
His AIDS campaign efforts have made him a role model and a hero to many ugandans.
Recently, the Ugandan North American Association created a Philly Bongole Lutaaya award recorgnising his leadership role in increasing HIV/AIDS awareness in Uganda.

Monday, July 12, 2010

Joseph Kony – A career killer

Who is joseph Kony

Joseph Kony, is the rebel leader of the Lords resistance Army (LRA), his rebel group is well known for killing, abducting, mutilating thousands and displacing millions in South Sudan, Uganda, DR Congo and Central African Republic since 1986.

His heinous acts have attracted alot of international condemnation from even the unusual figures like the popular US TV show queen, Oprah Winfrey. During her show in 2006, Oprah described the LRA's inhuman activities in Northern Uganda as an 'African Holocust'.

Deadlocked Joseph Kony
 The US government placed Kony in 2008 on it's list of specially designated global terrorist with dire consquencies of financial freeze and travel bans. But, does Kony care? A man with no known assets except guns and a satelite phone which he keeps a distance apart to avoid being tracked and killed the Savimbi way – a former Angola rebel leader.

The LRA's chief life rotates around the bush, where he has lived for the last 24 years. His only known friends are his brutal militants he presides over.

Born to a lay Catholic Church Apostle father and an Anglican mother in the Northern Uganda district of Gulu in 1961, Kony himself an altar boy in his teenage years and a village witchdoctor in his early 20's, claims to follow the Christian Bible Ten Commandments.

But, does the LRA chief follow the ten commandments in his military persuit for Uganda's top leadership. The sixth commandment says, 'you shall not murder,’ Kony has murdered thousands of people in his over 20 year rebellion against the government.

Kony first joined the Holy Spirit Movement of Alice Lakwena, his cousin, whose soldiers smeared their bodies with blessed oil to stop bullets and launched a successful guerrilla movement against the government forces until their defeat in the late 1980’s.

One wonders whether, the defeat of Lakwena was a result of loss of spiritual powers because; many of her soldiers lost their lives in battles with government forces from bullets they claimed to stop.

Later, Kony reorganized the defeated Holy Spirit Movement fighters to form the LRA. The LRA chief initially used the same Lakwena’s tactic of smearing his soldiers with blessed oil to stop bullets but, later abandoned it after failing to work for him.

An indicted criminal of the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity, Kony remained a mystery until 2006, when he appeared to the cameras with the South Sudan Vice President Riek Marchar in the jungles of South Sudan. This was an attempt to open up for peace negotiations with the government of Uganda.

Prior to the Marchar meeting, his only known image for years was of a dreadlocked murderer, forest witch and a polygamist.

Kony's brutal and elusive rebel tactics has continues to put the lives of millions of people in the four countries of South Sudan, Uganda, DR Congo and Central African Republic in danger. Continued attempts to sign the United Nations sponsored Juba peace agreement has failed to reap any fruits. His demands for signing the Juba Peace Agreement looks impossible for anybody to fulfill for a rebel leader who rarely follows his words. During the start of peace negotiations in South Sudan, Kony would attack villages killing, abducting, stealing and destroying people's properties in South Sudan and DR Congo villages days after signing the ceasefire agreements.

To his supporters, including, a PhD holder in psychology, Dr David Nyekorach Matsanga, Kony is a freedom fighter. Matsanga who, recently declared his intentions to run for the president of Uganda in 2011, was until last year (2009) the head of the LRA Juba Peace negotiating team.

The LRA no longer operates in Uganda, but their continued presence thousands of miles away in the Jungles of DR Congo and Central African Republic remains a threat to the people of Northern Uganda, who are slowly returning to their homes after spending years in camps depending on government and donors for handouts of food, medicine and other basic necessities.

His weaknesses

He has killed, mutilated and abducted even his own people (Acholi's), although he sometimes calls himself a liberator of the Acholi people. He lacks support even among his own people to enable the success of his military struggle. He sentenced to death, the popular Acholi opposition politician and the current president of the Democratic Party Norbert Mao for criticising his atrocious acts (the death sentence has never been carried out).

Kony with his children


The LRA chief is over ambitious planning to rule the country on the christian bible ten commandments, in a country with many religious beliefs. Such a system of governance, is unaceptable and likely to cause more conflicts emanating from other religious groups like the moslems. Although, Uganda is predominatly a christian country, his belief in witchcraft and heinous crimes committed over the years haven't won him any admiration from christians.

Kony extends his murderous acts to even his own fighters, resulting into loss of morale and confidence in him. This explains big numbers of defections in the rebel ranks. He has killed all his deputies since the beggining of his rebellion. LRA's deputies Otti Lagony, James Opoka and Vincent Otti, were brutally murdered for disrespecting or disagreeing with their boss and who knows what will happen to Okot Odhiambo the current LRA deputy. On the other hand, brutal killings of his senior fighters help instill fear, and makes him (Kony) a magical being who knows and hears what everyone around him thinks and says to stop any internal revolts and escape.

His stregnths

He is elusive, mysterious and even mythical, making it hard for the Ugandan army to capture him. The latest attempt to capture him was in 2008, during the Operation Lightening thunder by the Ugandan Army in the Congo forest of Garamba, only his guitar and a few of his household belongings were found. He claims to use witchcraft to foretell danger and escape in advance. During the failed peace talks of 1994, the entrance to his base was guarded by men wearing robes sprinkling holy water.
Uganda President Museveni




















Kony is a skilled guerrilla military fighter, his handful military men and women currently, numbering below 500 using improvised weapons have destabilized countries with hundreds of thousands of soldiers and sophiscated military weaponry. He has trained his militants to be fierce, walk long distances and survive on less food in food scarce forested areas.

He has a network of supporters in the Diaspora, who help give some form of legitimacy to the rebellion and maybe funding. All the nine people on his Juba Peace Negotiating Team are Ugandans living in the Diaspora. The head of the LRA peace negotiating team until 2009, Dr David Nyekorach Matsanga stays in the United Kingdom. If the Uganda government allegations against the government of Sudan for funding the LRA are true, then Kony has a lot of weapons at his disposal to cause any form of mayhem.
Joseph Kony during the start of peace negotiations



Whether, Kony will get out of the bush or not remains a risky bet, the great lakes region where the LRA operates has unoccupied forests and savannah land where the rebels can freely roam. Other countries like DR Congo and South Sudan are not stable enough to stop the rebels from establishing bases there. Maybe, an assassination or capture if the rebel chief completely fails to sign the peace agreement will put a smile on the faces of millions.

Also see a video of Joseph Kony by Invisible Children Organisation



Photos: womenontherun.se, vanityfair.com, thesituationist.wordpress.com, www.pinknews.co.uk

Thursday, May 20, 2010

Controversy surrounds Batooro – Baganda relations


Kabaka Mwanga

Omukama Kasagama (alleged father of Kabaka Daudi Chwa) with Capt. Lugard

The current Buganda King Kabaka Ronald Mwenda Mutebi has been a guardian of the Tooro King Oyo Nyimba Kabamba Iguru until recently, when he made 18 years and took over full responsibilities over his Kingdom.

This is not the beginning of good relations between the two kingdoms, their excillent relations started during the days of Kabaka Kamanya.

Kamanya and Omukama Kyebambe of Bunyoro married twin sisters from from the same family – Kyebambe was the father of the first King of Tooro (Omukama Kaboyo). The two twin sisters (Nyakato and Nyangoma) hailed from the present day Kyenjojo district.

Kabaka Kamanya fathered Kabaka Suuna who then fathered Kabaka Muteesa I from a prostitute (some people say, the name Muteesa was a result of the above relationship).
Kabaka Daudi Chwa - Father of Muteesa II

Muteesa I was the father of Kabaka Mwanga who took care the King of Tooro (Omukama Kasagama Daudi) when he was attacked by Omukama Kabalega forces who wanted to again annex the lost territory of Bunyoro – Tooro Kingdom - but was later defeated by Capt. Lugard who restored the King of Tooro.
It is alleged that during his stay in Buganda Kingdom Omukama Kasagama had relations with one of the wives of Mwanga and gave birth to Omukama Daudi Chwa. Some people say, the name Daudi was from the Kabaka’s alleged father Omukama Daudi Kasagama. It is alleged that Kabaka Mwanga was a homosexual and therefore, could not have conjugal rights with his wife.

If we go by the above allegations Omukama Rukiidi and Kabaka Daudi Chwa (the father of Muteesa II) are blood brothers with the same father - Omukama Daudi Kasagama.

A look at the photos shows, Kabaka Daudi Chwa and Muteesa II resembling but Kabaka Daudi Chwa never resembled his father Kabaka Mwanga.

When Kabaka Muteesa II was marrying, Omukama Rukiidi of Tooro was his best man and some people believe it was not a mistake – some blood relations were at play.
Kabaka Muteesa II of Buganda

In one of her books Princess Elizabeth Bagaya of Tooro says Omukama Daudi Chwa and Rukiidi were not mere cousins but good friends.
King Oyo of Tooro (Great Grandson of King Kasagama)
















photos:   ugandansatlarge.blogspot.com, royalark.net and ugpulse.com, monitor.co.ug

Monday, May 17, 2010

Bitanmanya’s escapades with police and life in prison

Solomon Akugizibwe

He is fearless when it comes to defending the rights of his people. Bitanmanya Joram escapades with the police haven’t been a bed of roses since the institutionalization of the multiparty political system in Uganda. He is the FDC youth chairperson for Kabarole district and a program officer for Twerwaneho Listeners Club – a local human rights NGO based in Fort Portal.

His constant battles with the police began in 2007 when he and others including the former LC V aspirant for Kabarole district Stephen Rwagweri were arrested for uttering statements critical to the government on their program called Twerwaneho on Life FM (a local radio station based in Fort Portal). They later won in courts of law but their radio program was banned on radio.

“Life hasn’t been easy for us because we have been banned for talking on all radio stations based in Fort Portal” says Joram. He adds, “Sometimes, when allowed to talk on radio, our opinions are highly censored.”

His recent troubles with the police began when he asked the government to release the report regarding the Death of Brig. Noble Mayombo at a rally organized by Gen. Mugisha Muntu who was campaigning for the FDC flagship in Fort Portal on 26th March 2010.

Joram one of the senior youth members on the campaign team of Gen. Muntu was summoned when meeting Gen. Muntu in Kampala to report to Fort Portal police on 6th April 2010. “Gen Muntu said, that is just political harassment” says Bintamanya. He was arrested for two days and charged with sedition (sedition is still contested in the constitutional court).

He reported to the police at 10am and was interrogated by the Kabarole district CID chief and below are the verbal exchanges between Bintamanya and the CID chief.

CID: What did you say?

Bintamanya: As a politician, I said so many things including roads, detoriating health services in the country, violations of human rights, law of the jungle, and death of our son Brig. Noble Mayombo.

CID: What exactly did you say regarding the death of Brig. Mayombo?

Bintamanya: I only asked for a report and gave president Museveni an ultimatum

CID: Did president Museveni kill Mayombo?

Bintamanya: I said the role of the state is to keep people and their property, when it fails the head of state is held responsible. Obote didn’t kill anyone but all the crimes committed during his reign go back to him. When Museveni was at the burial of Brig. Mayombo, he told the whole country that a commission will be instituted and people will know what killed him. Where is the report?

After the interrogation, he was escorted to the underground police cells. Fortunately, he was given a privilege of going inside the prison cells with his blanket and mattress because of the media frenzy, the arrest created in Fort Portal. He shared his beddings with whoever would fit there.

He says conditions in the cells are dire because of congestion, poor sanitation and lack of medical services for the sick mostly suffering from wounds got from torture by the police.

“On my first night, I slept in the prison mortuary with ten people, I allowed everyone to put his head on my mattress and the legs on the bare floor. It was a nasty experience because bed bugs couldn’t allow us to sleep.”

I got food from home, in prison food (sweet potatoes mixed with beans) was served after 12 hours, the food was too little, unhygienic and cold. It was only a small bucket of food for 70 people. Funny enough, police officers were sharing with prisoners forcing me to label one of them a ‘prisoner’ since there was no difference.

The constitution at the police is highly violated because, the law calls for people to record statements before entering prison cells but Bintamanya says the story is different, “I interacted with many prisoners and most them went in the cells without recording statements with the police and others have never been taken to court to prove their innocence which is an abuse of peoples rights.”

I also witnessed hardcore criminals who use guns to steal get released and petty criminals who steal goats remain in prison because of corruption in the police force.

He says, the underground prison is a time bomb waiting to explode because it’s too old and sometimes leaks, the electricity wiring system is also dangerous waiting to cause trouble at any moment.

A typical day in the prison cells begins with a roll call at 6am which Bintamanya couldn’t answer arguing that he wasn’t a thief but a freedom fighter who shouldn’t be subjected to all that humiliation. After the roll call, suspects would start cleaning the prison premises. “Prisoners wouldn’t allow me to work because they saw me as a person fighting for their rights, I could even afford sharing my mattress with everyone in the cells and gave my blanket to someone who was suffering from tuberculosis” says Bintamanya.

After the cleaning, prisoners would be allowed to be visited, food was only allowed at 4pm and then gates were closed a few minutes after 4pm.

Not new to every one who has had a prison experience, Bintamanya is planning to mobilize people and organizations to force the government increase the budget for the prison department and correct the mess in the police force to improve the conditions of the people in the prison cells.

Land Amendment Bill 2007: Populist Move by NRM to Win Votes?

By Solomon Akugizibwe

Buganda Kingdom has fervently opposed the bill saying the bill is intended to grab land in Buganda by giving tenants rights that a landlord can not overturn.

But the momentum with which the government is pushing for the enactment of the Land Amendment Bill 2007 despite the enormous opposition from traditional institutions, Banks, Christians, Lawyers and the opposition politicians among others is making many people ask what special interests the executive has in amending the land law.

The executive presented the Land Amendment Bill 2007 to parliament on February 10th, to among others provide legal security to tenants on registered land. President Yoweri Museveni, the chief architect of the bill says it is aimed at stopping the rampant evictions of tenants which is common these days. Museveni is currently traversing the country to among others ask Ugandans to support the land amendment bill. The President recently issued a warning to all NRM leaning MPs against opposing the land amendments.

A ministerial committee made up of five groups headed by the Minister of Lands, Housing and Urban development, Daniel Omar Atubo was recently dispatched to traverse the country to convince Ugandans to support the land amendment bill.

What really could explain the insistence by the government and Museveni in particular to this land bill that is obviously unpopular in many circles? Some people are arguing that with the declining popularity as shown by the last two presidential elections and as the 2011 presidential elections nears, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and his ruling National Resistance Movement Party (NRM) are desperately looking for ways to boost their popularity and consolidate their support base, especially among the rural people.

During the 2006 elections NRM was humiliated by the opposition in Teso region which it had won with over 80% during the 2001 elections. The ruling party therefore can't take anything for granted now because; the Teso lesson shows that the opposition can even win traditional NRM strongholds.

It has now come to light that increasingly scared of the opposition which gaining ground everyday, the government has now resorted to using populist policies to gain popular support of ordinary Ugandans. What other better way to gain popular support than through giving extra assurance to the majority of people on land, the leading factor of production (especially in Uganda's agriculture based economy).

The Land Amendment bill 2007, is intended to amend the Land Act 1998 (as amended in 1998) to enhance the security of occupancy of lawful and bona fide occupants on registered land in accordance with Article 237 of the Constitution.

In other words the bill will ensure that tenants (these are poor peasants in the rural areas who have been Museveni's core supporters) are assured of land tenure security. However, other than look at the political undertones of the arguments, Museveni argues that the people opposing the bill are the landlords who got land courtesy of British colonialists at the expense of the majority during the 1900 land allocation agreement.

Museveni has been telling whoever cares to listen that his government wants to correct the historical wrongs committed by colonialists who gave land to a few nobles and royals by distributing to them large chunks of land while turning the majority of the people into squatters on their own land. Museveni says the local people who were cheated of their land are now being evicted, and this bill is aimed at protecting their land rights.

But the Buganda kingdom argues that most of these people the bill wants to give protection are not Baganda and therefore not descendants of the land they occupy.

The bill has been widely opposed by the opposition politicians, bankers, Christian bodies, lawyers, landlords and cultural leaders among others because of their different interests.

For instance, Buganda Kingdom has fervently opposed the bill saying the bill is intended to grab land in Buganda by giving tenants rights that a landlord can not overturn. The Kabaka of Buganda is the biggest landlord in Buganda, apart from being the chief landlord "Sabataka" of all land in Buganda. The kingdom claims some of its land (the disputed 9,000 square miles) have been given out to individuals and the government wants to use this bill to legalize the occupancy on the land the kingdom wants back.

In fact, some members of the opposition and Buganda Kingdom loyalists, say the land bill is an attempt by the government to weaken Buganda Kingdom financially because of the long standing feuds between the central government and officials at Mengo, many of whom belong to opposition political parties.

The President of the Forum for Democratic Change, Dr. Kizza Besigye told journalists recently that the Bill aims at weakening and undermining the Buganda kingdom and its economy. "The real aim of the Land Bill cannot be to protect lawful or bona fide occupants of land as claimed but to weaken Buganda Kingdom and its economy," Besigye said.

However, the government insists that the Land (Amendment) Bill 2007 is designed to protect lawful and bonafide tenants from unlawful evictions by landlords, according to Minister of Lands, Housing and Urban Development Daniel Omara Atubo.

But the Uganda law Society has also declared that the bill is unconstitutional as it infringes on the rights to private property by limiting the rights of landlords on their land. The Uganda Bankers Association have also presented a memorandum criticizing the bill, saying the bill will reduce the value of land because landlords who own the titles that are used as security in accessing loans will not have superior powers over their land. This means land will no longer be used as security for loans.

An independent research that has reviewed the Land Amendment Bill has also supported this view, emphasizing that if the bill is passed in its current form, it will negatively affect economic growth.

The research concluded that the bill is not necessary because it does not provide any new solutions against evictions, while at the same time complicating the relationship between tenants and land lords.

The research done by Julia Schwartz, an international researcher found that the bill currently before Parliament does not offer any new protection to tenants on registered land against eviction. The bill is providing that the tenants can only be evicted with a court order, which court order can only be issued after the tenants fails or refuses to pay land/ ground rent or Busuulu to the landlord or titled land owner.

The bill also provides for the minister of lands to approve the ground rent set by the respective district land boards, and set ground rent for districts that fail to set the land rent within a given period of time. This particular provision of giving a minister power to determine ground has been decried by many as unconstitutional.

But other areas especially northern and eastern Uganda where land is owned mainly under customary tenure, the opposition to the land bill results from introducing a clause that requires land matters to be solved in courts of law. Schwartz says the bill wrongly reverts all powers on land to courts of law, yet under customary tenure; all land is managed and owned according to customs. The research is calling for the recognition of the cultural leaders in land matters concerning land owned under customer tenure.

According to the research, there are adequate provisions in the land laws giving protection to tenants, but the laws need to be adequately implemented. This is the same argument Mengo government led by their Attorney general, Apollo Makubuya have been advancing. But Museveni and his government are so determined to pass the bill into law. But past legal maneuvers on land issues have shown no one can easily claim a victory when it comes to determining land rights and ownership, other than compromise. Yet compromise seems largely lacking in this bill currently before Parliament.

First published: May 1, 2008 on ugpulse.com

photo:
ekitibwakyabuganda.wordpress.com

Political Parties Funding Bill: Is it an attempt by NRM to win the 2011 elections?















By Solomon Akugizibwe

Political parties have been complaining of lack of funding for their activities while the ruling National Resistance Movement benefits from state funding.

The executive arm of government at the beginning of April 2008 presented to Parliament the Political Parties and Organisations Amendment Bill, which mainly provides for funding of political parties in Uganda. The bill was expected to bring happiness in political party circles, given that all political parties have been complaining of lack of funding for their activities while the ruling National Resistance Movement 'benefits' from state funding.

But the bill presented by the Attorney General and Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Prof. Khiddu Makubuya has instead generated more criticism and scorn from the opposition political parties. One wonders how a bill supposed to give political parties the much needed funding should be opposed by the organizations it is intended to benefit.

Prof. Makubuya says the purpose of the Political Parties and Organisations Amendment Bill is to amend the Political Parties and Organizations Act, 2005 to provide for the use of government or public resources for political party or organization activities.

According to the bill, registered political parties or organizations shall be funded in respect of elections and their normal day-to-day activities, but the funding shall be based on the numerical strength of each political party or organization in Parliament.

The way how the money for political party funding will be distributed is the major point of contention by political parties. Many of the political parties have strongly criticized the NRM of using the bill to legalize the funding of activities of the ruling NRM.

The NRM has an astounding majority in Parliament. In this 8th Parliament, the party has 210 MPs out of the 304 directly elected MPs. The majority of the 38 Independent MPs are also NRM-leaning MPs, while four of the five representatives of workers and four of the five representatives of people with disabilities in Parliament also belong to the NRM. This means the NRM will get about 78 percent of the total money that will be availed to fund political parties.

The 8th Parliament has
215 constituency representatives
79 district woman representatives
10 representatives of the Uganda People's Defense Forces
5 representatives of the Youth
5 representatives of People with disabilities
5 representatives of workers
16 Ex-official members

Political party representation in 8th parliament

NRM- 210
FDC- 39
UPC- 9
DP- 8
CP- 1
JEEMA- 1

The balance of elected MPs are independents (save for UPDF representatives).

There is no doubt therefore that the Bill, if passed in its current form will greatly benefit the NRM party. No wonder, the NRM caucus meeting on April 13th 2008 agreed to support the bill for political party funding.

"The NRM caucus agreed in principle to support the Bill but the Attorney General asked for more time for consultation with ministers on members' concerns," says David Bahati the MP for Ndorwa west and Treasurer of the NRM caucus.

He says the NRM caucus members however want the Attorney General to clarify the "sort of activities that would be funded by the government".

The small political parties, especially those not represented in Parliament, have already protested the Bill as "discriminatory".

The President of the Peoples Development Party Dr. Abed Bwanika told journalists recently that if the Bill is made law in its current form, his party will challenge it in courts of law since denying legally registered parties funding because they lack representation in parliament is discriminatory and unconstitutional.

Dr. Bwanika advised the government to allocate a minimum financial package that is satisfactory for a political party to operate up to grass root level.

Two politicians have also petitioned the Constitutional Court, seeking to block the enactment the Political Parties Organisation Amendment Bill.

Charles Lwanga-Bbaale of the National People's Organisation and Apollo Nyabongo of the Movement Volunteers Mobilisers Organisation said in their petition that the Bill, if passed, would violate their constitutional rights. They said the Bill discriminated against parties not represented in Parliament.

They instead advised the government to contribute funds or other public sources towards all duly registered political parties and organizations across the board. They however agree that the bill should maintain the idea of additional funding to parties or organizations with representation in Parliament, basing on their numerical strength.

However, the Attorney General who is a member of the NRM party dismisses the allegations that the Bill is aimed at funding the ruling party. He says funding political parties is meant to avoid political parties and organizations from soliciting for donor aid, which could compromise their (political parties' and organizations') national interests, integrity and independence.

While this clearly shows the NRM party will benefit more, there is no indication so far that the political parties will agree on how the money for political party funding should be shared amongst the registered political parties.

Some people had proposed that the bill be adjusted to consider funding political parties basing on their strength at the grass root level other than strength in Parliament. But even if funding was considered based on grassroots support, the ruling NRM party has a clear majority representation at most local council levels and the biggest membership (in terms of IDs), which means the NRM will still have a lion's share of the political party funds.

Some people like Dr. Lulume Bayiga, the Secretary General of the Democratic Party are even asking the rationale of using tax payers' money to fund activities of political parties. He says this will just increase the tax burden on Ugandans, many of whom are chocking in poverty and unfair taxes that make daily life difficult.

Undoubtedly, funding political parties will increase administration costs of the government, since the government will have to audit the finances of all political parties.

The 'big' six opposition parties have in the past resisted what they call being clamped together with the new small political parties, some of whom they say were created by the NRM to weaken the opposition parties and to show the world that there are many political parties, after the restoration of multiparty politics in 2005. Uganda currently has about 50 political parties registered. To say that all political parties should be funded not withstanding their size and or political activity is as tricky as saying parties should not be funded. It is agreed that political competition (only ensured through political parties) is important for development of democracy. But having weak or financially caput political parties which can hardly undertake any activity is as good as having no political party.

Unlike Uganda Peoples Congress which owns Uganda House, other political parties have no clear source of funding including the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party which has ruled the country for more than 20 years.

The opposition led by Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) President, Dr. Kizza Besigye has been has been calling for funding to their political party activities, while at the same time continuously blaming the ruling NRM party for using government resources to fund its political activities, while opposition parties have to find their own funding, mostly through membership fees. However, NRM Publicity Secretary, Mary Karooro-Okurut says the party is funded by member's contributions.

In the background of these arguments and counter arguments is the fact that the ruling party gains strength from using government resources to boost its structures, as well as financial muscle to out compete other political parties. From 1986 to 2005, the movement (one party) government consolidated its self to form the NRM in 2005 when pressure for multiparty democracy forced strongman Yoweri Museveni to form a political party. But some people argue that up to now, separating the NRM activities from government activities has been hard, with the two acting as one and the same.

It can even be said that UPC used its time when a ruling party to build its capacity to fund its own political party activities. Since politics is about manipulations and taking advantage, the current attempt to fund political parties is being largely viewed as an attempt by the ruling NRM to strengthen its self ahead of the 2011 elections.

Some political commentators say after having no "NRM House" (reference to UPC's Uganda House) after more than 20 years of state leadership, the NRM government is turning to a straight legal way of funding its activities by putting in place a law that will give the NRM massive resources to out compete other political parties in the race for who occupies state house and governs the affairs of the country.

In the past, the opposition has even criticized Museveni for putting up ministries like that of Security, which is occupied by the NRM Secretary General, Amama Mbabazi to indirectly provide funding for its party activities. Now the bill to provide open funding for political parties is in the house, no political party apart from the NRM seems to be ready to go for it. It remains to be seen how the NRM will react to opposition criticisms of the amendment bill and its intentions.

First published: April, 25th 2008 on ugpulse.com

photo: semuwemba.wordpress.com